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Across the Eastern Horizon: India, Vietnam and the Making of a Partnership

1 hour ago
7 min read

Strategic trust is difficult to accumulate and easy to waste. India and Vietnam have spent years building it. The next measure of their partnership will be whether they can put it to work.


Editorial thumbnail showing Indian Foreign Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar and Vietnamese Foreign Minister Le Hoai Trung standing together in conversation, framed by the national flags of India and Vietnam. A semi-transparent globe and subtle maritime and trade motifs form the background, symbolizing Indo-Pacific connectivity. The headline “Across the Eastern Horizon” appears above, with the subtitle “India, Vietnam and the Making of a Partnership.” The Economic Diplomacy.in logo is placed at the bottom right.

For India, Vietnam is not a peripheral partner in Southeast Asia but a part of the architecture of how India intends to compete and connect in the Indo-Pacific. That makes the 19th India-Vietnam Joint Commission Meeting in New Delhi more than another diplomatic review. It is a test of whether political trust can now be converted into capabilities, commerce and connectivity.


The meeting, co-chaired by External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Vietnamese Foreign Minister Le Hoai Trung on September 14, comes after a period of considerable political momentum. Vietnamese President and Communist Party General Secretary To Lam's state visit to India in May 2026 elevated the relationship to an Enhanced Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. Vietnam became the first country in the region with which India established ties at this level.


That elevation carries prestige, but prestige alone does not build a partnership. The harder work begins when ministers return home, and officials have to make agreements function.


The Real Diplomatic Warmth


The real measure of diplomatic warmth is rarely found in the photograph taken after a meeting. It is found months later in the factory that begins production, the port that handles more cargo, the defence equipment that reaches a partner, or the technology project that survives beyond the political moment.


India and Vietnam now have enough political confidence to attempt precisely that transition. Jaishankar described the Joint Commission as an opportunity to review existing commitments and turn high-level momentum into concrete outcomes. That distinction is important because the relationship has already accumulated considerable strategic language. What it needs now is evidence.


The evidence is already beginning to appear. In 2022, India delivered 12 high-speed guard boats to Vietnam. It was a relatively modest defence transaction, but its significance extended well beyond the boats themselves. The delivery demonstrated that cooperation could translate into actual maritime capability at a time when Southeast Asian states were paying greater attention to the security of their waters.


For Vietnam, India's willingness to contribute to maritime security adds another layer to its network of strategic partnerships. For India, it demonstrates that the Act East Policy can have a harder geopolitical edge than conferences and statements often suggest.


Defence Cooperation is Moving Closer To the Factory Floor


Defence has consequently become one of the most consequential pillars of the relationship. India and Vietnam are looking at greater supplies of Indian defence equipment, while the possibility of deeper cooperation in production could eventually move the relationship beyond buyer-seller dynamics.


That shift matters. Co-production creates industrial links that are harder to reverse and potentially more valuable than individual equipment deals. It can also give Indian defence manufacturers a larger external market while helping Vietnam strengthen its own capabilities without compromising its vital autonomy.


The idea of a 2+2 mechanism adds another layer to this process. Institutionalised dialogue between foreign and defence establishments would allow both sides to discuss security concerns with greater regularity rather than relying entirely on episodic political meetings.


Vietnam occupies an important maritime position in Southeast Asia, while India is trying to build stronger relationships across the region. Their interests do not coincide on every issue, but they overlap on the need for a stable regional order in which smaller and middle powers retain room for independent choices.


The Relationship Still Has Room To Run


19th India-Vietnam Joint Commission Meeting in New Delhi

The economic story is perhaps even more revealing because the numbers show how much the relationship has already changed. Bilateral trade has nearly tripled in less than a decade, rising from around USD 5.4 billion in 2016 to USD 16.46 billion in 2025. Vietnam is now India's fifth-largest trading partner within ASEAN.


The momentum has continued into 2026. Trade reached USD 4.8 billion during the first three months of the year, representing a 28% increase over the same period in 2025. These figures suggest that the economic relationship is no longer a secondary component of bilateral ties.


Prime Minister Narendra Modi has set an ambitious target of USD 25 billion in bilateral trade by 2030, alongside greater two-way investment. Reaching that figure will require more than rising demand. Market access, standards, logistics and investment conditions will determine whether today's momentum becomes a durable commercial relationship.


India is seeking greater access for marine and agricultural products as well as pharmaceuticals. Vietnam, meanwhile, offers India a manufacturing base and a valuable connection to wider Southeast Asian supply chains. The opportunity lies in complementarity, particularly as companies seek to diversify production networks rather than remain dependent on a narrow set of markets. Every new link between the two economies shortens not only distance, but hesitation.


The emerging cooperation on payment systems and digital-payment innovation between the Reserve Bank of India and the State Bank of Vietnam could become another small but meaningful piece of this economic architecture. Such arrangements rarely make headlines, yet they can determine how easily businesses and consumers actually interact across borders.


Rare Earths Bring the Economy Into Focus


The relationship is also entering sectors where economics and national security overlap. During President To Lam's May visit, India and Vietnam signed an MoU on rare earth minerals, bringing one of the world's most strategically contested resources directly into the bilateral agenda.


The significance goes well beyond mining. Rare earths are embedded in modern manufacturing and advanced technologies, making access to them a fairly important part of supply-chain security. Cooperation with Vietnam therefore offers India another avenue for diversification at a time when countries are trying to reduce excessive dependence on concentrated sources of critical materials.


Energy and space are moving into the same conversation. Discussions on nuclear energy, space cooperation, energy and rare earths suggest that the relationship is gradually being built around the strategic economy of the future rather than only the trade patterns of the past.


This is where the Enhanced Comprehensive Strategic Partnership can acquire real meaning. Geopolitical trust becomes far more durable when it is anchored in laboratories, industrial projects and technological capabilities.


Connectivity Will Decide Whether Ambition Becomes Commerce


Financial, port and air connectivity were among the issues discussed at the Joint Commission. None carries the visual drama of a defence agreement, but these are the mechanisms through which a partnership becomes usable in everyday economic life.


Trade cannot expand indefinitely on political goodwill if shipping remains inefficient or cross-border transactions remain cumbersome. Businesses need predictable routes, reliable payments and practical institutional arrangements before they commit capital for the long term.


For India, stronger connectivity with Vietnam fits naturally into its broader engagement with Southeast Asia. For Vietnam, deeper links with India can widen its economic options while strengthening its position within the wider Indo-Pacific economy.


The future of this partnership will therefore be written not in ceremonial photographs, but in the roads, ports, factories, laboratories and classrooms that connect the two countries.


A Strategic Partnership Still Needs a Human Foundation


It would be easy to reduce India-Vietnam relations to maritime security and supply chains. That would miss an important part of their resilience.

Few modern partnerships have such an unusual inheritance: Buddhist memory, maritime history and contemporary necessity meeting at the same diplomatic table. Cultural connections have given the relationship a depth that predates today's geopolitical calculations.


The Joint Commission also addressed heritage conservation, cultural projects, capacity building and people-to-people ties. The growing popularity of Yoga in Vietnam was welcomed, while both sides agreed to observe 2027 as the Year of India-Vietnam Friendship, marking 55 years of diplomatic relations.


These initiatives matter because governments can deepen tactical cooperation faster than societies can absorb it. People-to-people links provide the slower, quieter foundation that can help a relationship withstand political turbulence.


Vietnam Sits At the Heart of India's Act East Ambition


The larger geopolitical significance of the partnership becomes clearer when viewed through India's regional strategy. Jaishankar described Vietnam as a key partner in India's Act East Policy, the MAHASAGAR vision and the wider Indo-Pacific outlook. Modi has similarly called Vietnam a key pillar of India's Act East Policy and MAHASAGAR vision.


This is not simply diplomatic vocabulary. Vietnam is central to India's effort to build deeper relationships across Southeast Asia while strengthening its wider maritime engagement. Its participation in India's Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative reinforces that convergence.


The relationship also has a multilateral dimension. Vietnam's participation as a BRICS Partner Country during India's hosting of the 18th BRICS Summit created another platform for coordination, while both countries reaffirmed the importance of international law, peace, security and development.


Their interests are aligned around a world where developing economies want greater influence without surrendering strategic autonomy. India and Vietnam may approach individual geopolitical questions differently, but both have reasons to favour a regional order that leaves space for independent decision-making. This is a useful basis for cooperation because it does not require either country to become an extension of the other's foreign policy.


Delivery Must Follow Trust  


External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Vietnamese Foreign Minister Le Hoai Trung shaking hands.

The 19th Joint Commission Meeting marks an important moment precisely because the relationship has moved beyond the stage of proving that political trust exists. That foundation is now reasonably strong. The question is whether governments can convert it into outcomes that businesses, institutions and ordinary citizens can actually see.


The possibilities are substantial. Defence cooperation can move towards production. Trade can move closer to the USD 25 billion target. Digital payments can make economic interaction easier. Rare earths can open a new frontier. Space and energy can give the partnership greater technological depth.


But every ambition will eventually face the same test of execution. For India, Vietnam represents much more than another bilateral relationship in Southeast Asia. It is a partner through which India's economic interests, maritime strategy and Act East vision intersect. For Vietnam, India offers a strategically useful relationship that can expand its options without demanding dependence.


That is perhaps the most valuable quality of the partnership. It is built on convergence without requiring uniformity. The 19th JCM has supplied another layer of political intent. Now the less glamorous work begins. Agreements have to become projects, projects have to become capabilities, and capabilities have to produce results that survive the next change in the geopolitical weather.


Strategic trust is difficult to accumulate and easy to waste. India and Vietnam have spent years building it. The next measure of their partnership will be whether they can put it to work.

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